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Tag Archives: mass murder

Jeremy Corbyn is making a silly, unforced error in the way he looks to the wider context of the attack in Manchester, and it is the same error that saw him used by the IRA and SF.* There are two motivations for looking at context and JC simply must make it clear that his is one and that the other is reprehensible.

What happens before an outrage like that perpetrated in Manchester is that someone selects the target and then their associates participate to a greater or lesser extent. That is to say, there is deliberation leading to intention to cause civilian casualties. A military or industrial target could be selected but isn’t; the decision is to kill civilians. In short, there is a wilful choice to commit a crime against humanity. Because this is a matter of immediate target selection it cannot be justified, lessened or even explained by reference to context, circumstances or a wider struggle.

Now, there are thinking people who want to explore the wider context in which the act is situated and they most certainly should not be criticised – never mind condemned – for doing so. However, if they want to avoid the crude ridicule of feral bigots, they must be aware of the trap set for them.

You see, decent, thinking people are not the only ones looking at context. There are others looking and not in a thoughtful way but in a calculating way. The intention of these others is not to understand. Rather, they want to use context to deflect attention and responsibility away from the deliberate commission of mass murders. They want to so muddy the water that there is no difference between an attack on armed soldiers and bombing a concert hall, pub, restaurant or public place. Their objective is selective approval of some crimes against humanity. They know full well that they cannot hope for the support of anyone who holds that there is a categorical difference between a soldier/combatant and a war criminal.

A war crime cannot be explained away by reference to the cause of the war. Jeremy Corbyn can of course make this clear but his condemnation of an act or acts goes nowhere near making it clear. Neither is it enough for him to argue that for the sake of peace one must talk to one’s enemies because this implies negotiating with an honourable foe rather than the sort of person who would bomb a pub or would support such foulness. Of course one must talk and try to achieve an end to killing but Jeremy Corbyn like any decent person also has to reject explicitly the perverse doctrine that in conflict anything goes and that all civilian casualties are equally regrettable. There is an enormous difference between condemnation or saying that civilian casualties are regrettable and saying clearly that the targeting of civilians is always a war crime/crime against humanity.

In brief, it’s like this for Jeremy and indeed for everyone else: whether you are talking to them, trying to understand them or discussing their place in history, you must stand resolutely opposed; you must always be unambiguously on the side of rudimentary civilisation against ALL those who would ever consider that targeting civilians is other than the most shameful barbarism.

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* http://www.newstatesman.com/politics/staggers/2017/05/jeremy-corbyn-speech-terrorism-and-foreign-policy-full-text

What happens before an outrage like those perpetrated in Paris is that someone selects the target and associates participate to a greater or lesser extent. That is to say, there is deliberation leading to intention or indifference to civilian casualties. A military or industrial target could have been selected but wasn’t; the decision is to kill civilians. In short, there is a wilful choice to commit a crime against humanity.

Because a crime against humanity is essentially target selection it cannot be justified, lessened or even explained by reference to context or circumstances. There are, however, thinking people who want to explore the context of particular acts or campaigns but there are also those who want to use context to deflect attention and responsibility away from the deliberate commission of mass murder. When people go down the latter route or allow themselves to be drawn down this route, the objective is selective approval of some crimes against humanity.

When a member of an organisation that already supports crimes of this nature, discusses context, they cannot be taken seriously. They are merely seeking consistency in trying to find circumstances in which a crime against humanity is defensible.

Listen at about 10.5 mins into the link below as Mary Lou McDonald of Sinn Féin places the Paris attacks in context: alienation, poverty, invasions in the Middle East. These are outrages in themselves; they are the causes of conflict but they are not the causes of the mass murder of civilians. However, if the pretext for mass murder in these islands was “the British presence”, it would be inconsistent not to find a pretext for similar in Paris.

http://www.rte.ie/player/ie/show/the-week-in-politics-17/10496107/

One way of preventing discussion of the centenary of Ireland’s 1916 Rising and of the actions of the IRA is to spread confusion about the meaning of “terrorist”. The authors of the confusion are mass murderers and their supporters, and they are successful because journalists and media managers facilitate them.

While in popular discussion “terrorist” has been almost drained of meaning, becoming a synonym for “bad”, in academic discussion its meaning has been stabilised and is now largely accepted. This was not always the case.

During the 20th century academics were looking at a distinct phenomenon that they wanted to study and talk about. It was clear that non-state groups were kidnapping, shooting and bombing civilians. These groups were commonly referred to as terrorists. Academics set out to study them but there was a problem which could only be addressed by working on definition.

Definition was necessary because the term was already loaded with negative connotations and study of any action or group attracted, “Who are you calling a terrorist? Why don’t you study atrocities committed by states?” The tactic was to prevent examination of what was clearly a separate and relatively new form of political violence. The choice facing academia was to find a new word for something which ordinary citizens referred to as terrorism or to define the term so that the violent phenomenon could be studied without the constant disruption of the “whatabouters”. A new label would have been daft, so definition it was.

Definition was of course fraught and contentious; university libraries tend to have a groaning shelf or two to attest to that. There was a battle because the last thing that non-state killers wanted was to be isolated from horrors committed by states. They could offer no moral justification for their actions so they relied on pointing to those who had done similar or worse. Some states – particularly the USA – aided them in this by referring to states they didn’t like as “terrorist states”.

Like the academics, citizens seeking clear public discourse have an interest in defining terrorism and insisting that self-serving games not be played with terminology. Let it be clear that terrorism for those neither involved in nor supporting barbarity signifies violence perpetrated by non-state actors on civilians for the purpose of sending a message to a wider audience (rhetorical violence). In other words, state armies are not involved either as perpetrators or victims and the dead or injured are reduced to mere messages, fodder for media.

In Ireland there is a tussle for ownership of the 2016 centenary of the Easter Rising. It is not a matter of whether the state’s founding myth is bloody; that’s a different issue. The tussle is about whether the actions of the Provisional IRA – supported by Sinn Féin – are like the actions of the 1916 insurrectionists. It is vitally important for SF that the actions of the IRA receive the respectability that has been granted to the insurrectionists because in Ireland that would elevate the IRA to heroes.

If a sensible public debate is to take place, it needs to be emphasised that the actions in 1916 fall a long way outside the definition of terrorism, while the actions of the IRA accurately match the terms of the definition. What the 1916 insurrectionists have in common with the IRA is that both are non-state actors. Apart from that they differ. The insurrectionists for the most part attacked armed soldiers. The IRA for the most part attacked civilians. The insurrectionists in a time before electronic mass media did not and could not reduce victims to media messages. The IRA, however, developed this form of conflict and killed for media effect.

Every journalist who is unaware of the struggle over the definition of terrorism and who permits the term to be bandied about as a mere synonym for bad, sides with those who would try to bury public discourse in a swamp of name-calling.

We have reached that time when there are few Nazi war criminals left to pursue. There is no knowing how many made it quietly to the grave without facing justice. The last of the Nazi hunters are now old and close to packing it in.* Our times, however, are marked by crimes against humanity (Crimes often accurately recorded by improved media.) and it would be terribly wrong to allow the age of the relentless hunter to close and those whose brutality was later than WW2 to relax. The truth is that international hunters are still needed.

Hunting old men and women across the globe affirmed three things.

There are crimes so heinous that i) borders ought not provide refuge for the guilty because wider humanity demands justice; ii) minor participants and supporters are horribly guilty**; and iii) miscreants should be pursued for the rest of their lives.

Let two examples suffice. Under duress and in return for peace, decent people in Ireland and the UK made a pact with mass murderers, their facilitators and supporters. Citizens of other countries face no such duress and they should consider themselves morally bound to seek justice on behalf of humanity.

Secondly, the IDF visited crimes against humanity on the citizens of Gaza. There was international condemnation. Someday when peace comes to the region, the vile talk – made familiar by Sinn Féin and others – about terrible things happening in war will be applied to Gaza. That may suit Israel or even the region generally but humanity is not local and needs its hunters for justice.

Though local deals, agreements and states may provide a sordid refuge, perpetrators of crimes against humanity together with their commanders, facilitators and supporters should – at the very least – fear travel lest they be apprehended and charged in the name of humanity. Moreover, they should know that they will be hunted for the rest of their lives.

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* http://www.newstatesman.com/writers/320581

** http://www.theguardian.com/world/2015/jul/01/accountant-auschwitz-trial-oskar-groening-admits-guilt